4th Congress, i HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. (’ Report 
1st Session. \ } No. ^99. 


POLITICAL STATUS OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 


prii. (5. 19J<). (.'ommitted to the Committee of the Whole House on the .state oi' the 

Union and ordered to be printed. 


lr. Jones, from the Committee on Insular Affairs, submitted the 

following 

REPORT. 

[To accompany S. 381] 

The Committee on Insular Affairs, to whom was referred the bill 
S. 381) to declare the purpose of the people of the United States as 
o the future political status of the people of the Philippine Islands, 
aid to provide a more autonomous government for those islands, 
>eg leave to report that they have had the same under considera- 
ion and recommend that the same do pass. 

The legislative and governmental features of S. 381 do not differ 
nateriallv from those of II. R. 18459, which passed the House of 
Representatives a£ the second session of the Sixty-third Congress. 
The main difference between the two measures is that H. R. 18459 
>f the Sixty-third Congress contained a solemn declaration of the 
ntention and purpose of the United States to recognize the inde- 
>endence of the Philippine Islands aS soon as a stable government 
could be established therein, although fixing no definite date upon 
vhich said independence should take effect, whereas this bill (S. 381) 
provides for the withdrawal of the sovereignty of the United States 
>ver the Philippine Islands, and the recognition of their complete 
ndcpendence in not less than two nor more than four years from the 
late of the approval of the act, with the proviso that if the President 
shall find, prior to the expiration of the period of four years, that the 
nternal or external affairs of the islands in respect to the stability or 
efficiency of their proposed government are such as to warrant him 
in doing so, he may extend the said time to and including the date 
of the final adjournment of the session of Congress which shall con¬ 
vene next after the expiration of the period of four years. 

The act of Congress establishing a civil government in the Philip¬ 
pines, known as the organic act, is entitled “An act temporarily to 
provide for the administration of the*- affairs of civil government in 
the Philippine Islands, and for other purposes.” This act was 









2 


POLITICAL STATUS OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 


approved July 1, 1902, and, except as amended in several unim¬ 
portant particulars, is the law under which the Philippine Islands 
are to-day governed, although designed and specifically declared to 
be merely a temporary measure. 

At the second session of the Sixty-second Congress this committee 
reported a hill (H. R. 22143) entitled U A bill to establish a qualified 
independent government for the Philippines and to fix the date 
when such qualified independence shall become absolute and com¬ 
plete, and for other purposes.” The general purpose of that bill 
was to establish for the Filipinos a provisional government more 
liberal and autonomous in character than that created under the act 
of Congress of July 1, 1902, that government to begin on the 4tli day 
of July, 1913, and to continue for the period of eight years, after 
which they were to be given complete independence. In fine the 
Filipinos were given in that bill a much larger measure of popular 
self-government than had theretofore been exercised by them, 
together with the definite promise and assurance that on and after 
the 4th day of July, 1921, they would be granted full and complete 
independence. 

The bill H. R. 18459, which declared it to be the purpose of the 
people of the United States to withdraw their sovereignty over the 
Philippine Islands and to recognize their independence as soon as a 
stable government could be established therein, and which passed 
the House of Representatives on the 14tli day of October, 1914, was 
never considered in the Senate. Whilst that bill did not fix a precise 
date for the alienation of the Philippine Islands, it did give to the 
Filipinos distinct assurance that at a time the date whereof was capa¬ 
ble of being made definite and certain they would be given their inde¬ 
pendence. Had that bill been enacted into law it is not thought that 
Philippine independence would have been delayed for so long a period 
as six years, since it is contrary to the teachings of recent Philippine 
history and not in accordance with the political, social, and other 
conditions in the islands to believe that the Filipinos are incapable of 
establishing a stable government. Their ability to maintain such a 
government, once it has been established, against foreign agression 
is quite a different proposition. The bill to which the committee now 
gives it sanction, if it shall become law, will not, it is believed, result 
in earlier independence than would that to which it gave its approval 
in the Sixty-third Congress had it been enacted into law. 

The report made to the House of Representatives by this committee 
at the second session of the Sixty-second Congress, to accompany 
the bill (H. R. 22143), which fixed the 4th day of July, 1921, 
as the date for the consummation of Philippine independence, 
related the principal events leading up to the establishment of the 
present form of government in the Philippines and presented cer¬ 
tain evidence upon which was based the belief that the Filipinos 
possessed the capacity for self-government. This was embodied 
m the report made by this committee at the second session of 
the Sixty-third Congress, and as the years that have since inter¬ 
vened have but served to emphasize the fitness of the Filipinos to 
govern themselves it is deemed not inappropriate to reproduce the 
same in this report. It is as follows: 

It may be well to indicate briefly, and in general terms, the character of the instru¬ 
ments of government employed in the administration of the affairs of the people of the 
Philippine Islands during the 13 years that have elapsed since the ratification of the 


D. Crf : p. 

APR 22 1916 


A &2k 




POLITICAL STATUS OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 


3 


l 

Treaty of peace between the Kingdom of Spain and the United States were exchanged 
at the city of Washington. This exchange, which took place on the 11th day of April, 
1899, constituted the consummating act in the negotiations which resulted in the 
reestablishment of peace between these two nations and the transfer of soverignty 
*over the Philippine Islands from Spain to the United States. From this time on and 
. up to the 1st day of September, 1900, the commander of the American Army of occupa¬ 
tion in the Philippine Islands, acting as military governor, excercised complete and 
undivided authority, legislative as well as executive, throughout, the Philippine 
Archipelago. In other words, it may be said that during this period the government 
of the Philippine Islands was essentially a military autocracy. 

In an official communication, bearing date the 7th day of April, 1900, the President 
of the United States informed the Secretary of War of the appointment by him of a 
commission to the Philippine Islands, composed of five eminent Americans, namely, 
the Hon. William II. Taft. Prof. Dean C. Worcester, Hon. Luke I. Wright, Hon. Henry 
0. Ide, and Prof. Bernard Moses, of which Mr. Taft was to be the president. This 
Executive order set forth with some particularity the powers and duties conferred 
upon this commission, and transferred, on and after the 1st day of September, 1900, 
from the military governor to this new governing body, of at least doubtful constitu¬ 
tionality, “that part of the government in the Philippine Islands which is of a legis¬ 
lative nature.” 

By a subsequent Executive order, bearing date June 21, 1901, the Hon. William 
II. Taft, the president of the Philippine Commission, was appointed civil governor 
of the islands and empowered to exercise all executive authority on and after the 4th 
day of July, 1901. From and after that date the military governor was relieved from 
the performance of civil duties, except as to those districts in which insurrection 
against the Government of the United States continued to exist or in which public 
order was not completely established. Thenceforth, and up to the enactment by 
Congress of the act of July 1, 1902, the Taft Commission, in the meantime increased 
to eight members by the addition of three Filipinos, exercised all legislative authority 
in the Philippine Islands, whilst the executive functions of the so-called civil gov¬ 
ernment thus set up by the President, acting in t he capacity of Commander in Chief 
of the Army and Navy, were divided between a military commander and a civil 
governor. 

Thus it appears that during the period which elapsed between the time of Spanish 
evacuation and the enactment by Congress of the act of July 1, 1902, a period of some¬ 
thing more than three years, there existed in the Philippine Islands no less than three 
distinct forms of government differing materially the one from the other. The act of 
July 1, 1902, although in express terms declared to be merely a temporary measure of 
civil administration, has, with slight and unimportant amendments, remained the 
organic law of the Philippines for practically a decade. The bill which your com¬ 
mittee has had under consideration not only provides in the near future, and for a 
definite probationary period of eight years, for a larger participation of the Philippine 
people in the affairs of their government than they now enjoy, but it will, if enacted 
into law, confer upon them at the end of that period the absolute control of their 
affairs, both domestic and foreign, together with their complete and unqualified 
independence. 

THE FILIPINOS DESIRE INDEPENDENCE. 

When the existing law was being considered by the Committee on Insular Affairs 
10 years ago some of its advocates testified that a majority of the educated and sub¬ 
stantial people of the Philippine Islands, whose opinions the Federal Party was said 
to represent, favored the permanent annexation of the islands to the United States. 
A prominent Filipino who at one time occupied the position of secretary of state under 
the Malolos government, of which Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo was the president, but who 
subsequently, and at that very time, was an officeholder under the Taft Commission, 
claiming to be the authorized spokesman of the Federal Party, testified at the com¬ 
mittee hearings that a majority of all the Filipino people favored American annexa¬ 
tion rather than independent self-government. 

Whatever influence this testimony may have had in sliapii g the Philippine legis¬ 
lation of 10 years ago, it should certainly have none in this day and generation, for 
the Federal Party itself, the only political organization in the Philippine Islands 
ever favorii g permanent annexation, has lorg since ceased to exist, and its successor, 
the Progresista Party, is quite as outspoken in its advocacy of independence as is the 
Nacionalista, which has always stood for an independent self-government. There is, 
therefore, to-day practically, if not absolutely, no division of sentiment among the 
civilized, Christian inhabitants of the Philippine Archipelago in respect to this ques¬ 
tion, -whatever may have been the case a decade ago. The highest aspiration, the 


4 


POLITICAL STATUS OF TILE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 


one great, overmastering desire of the Philippine people is to see their country free 
and independent. The blood shed and the untold privations for years endured for 
freedom’s sake by this, the only Christian people in the vast Orient, abundantly testi¬ 
fied in the past to their longing for independence. The unparalleled and phenom¬ 
enal spread of education throughout the archipelago in recent years, a larger partici¬ 
pation in public affairs, a wider and more intimate knowledge of the problems of 
government, and the valuable experience gained through actual practice in a popular 
legislative assembly have not only contributed immensely toward preparing the 
Filipinos for the exercise of self-government, but have at the same time quickened 
and intensified their desire to become a free and independent people. 

NO AMERICAN SENTIMENT FAVORABLE TO PERMANENT RETENTION. 

It is doubtful if there is to-day any considerable or even appreciable public sent! - 
ment in the United States favorable to the permanent retention of the Philippines. 
When these islands were first acquired, and for a few years thereafter, there was a 
more or less prevalent belief that their permanent retention would prove of great 
commercial advantage to the United States. It is true that during the past two years, 
those in whh h Philippine products have had free access to the markets of the United 
States, the value of the trade between the two countries was materially increased; 
and yet if every dollar in value of the merchandise imported into the Philippine 
Islands from the United States during the fiscal year 1911 had been clear profit to 
the American manufacturer, the sum total would not have equaled the cost to the 
people of the United States of the maintenance for a single year of our military estab¬ 
lishment in the Philippines. 

The total value of the importations, exclusive of those for the use of the Army, 
Navy, and the government of the Philippine Islands, and for government-aided 
railroads, all of which were free of duty, was $15,052,808, while the value of the 
Philippine products exported to the United States during the fiscal -year w'as 
$16,813,864. Thus it is apparent that the combined values of the exports and imports 
for the year 1911 do not equal in amount the total annual cost of the Philippine Islands 
to the American people. So the commercial argument which at one time w*as vigor¬ 
ously advanced in favor of the permanent retention of the Philippine Islands has 
now been practically abandoned. 

CAPACITY FOR SELF-GOVERNMENT. 

Those who oppose fixing a definite time at which the Philippine Islands shall 
acquire their independence, although professing to favor their ultimate independence, 
base their opposition upon the assumption that the Filipinos are not as yet capable 
of governing themselves. They do not hazard even a guess as to when that time 
may be expected to arrive; in the judgment of most of them it may be a generation, 
possibly two or three generations. The menace to the peace and happiness of the 
American people which lies in the indefinite retention of the Philippine Islands 
is not to be compared, in their judgment, to the harm which they fear may result 
to the Filipinos if they are prematurely given the independence which they crave, 
and to which, it is admitted, they will some day be entitled. The grievous financial 
burdens w T hich their loi g-continued retention as a colonial dependency will entail 
upon the American taxpayers is as nothing, they contend, compared to the moral 
obligations which the United States have assumed. Thus the ‘‘moral” or “altru¬ 
istic ” argument, based upon the alleged incapacity of the Filipinos for self-govern¬ 
ment, is the only argument now heard in favor of the indefinite retention of the 
Philippines. 

But, is it true, according to any just and fair standard, that the Philippine people 
are not capable of self-government? For, if not true, then the only argument seriously 
advanced by those who would deny them independence must fall to the ground. 
The facts, or alleged facts, relied upon to establish their incapacity for self-government 
are («) that the Philippine population is made up of many different tribes, inhabiting 
different islands, or different parts of the same islands, and speaking different dialects 
or languages; ( b) that because of this isolation and difference of language they possess 
no common means of intercommunication; (c) that a number of these tribes are unciv¬ 
ilized and unchristianized and will always remain so, and that the Moros, the most 
savage and adventurous, as well as the most numerous, of the wild tribes, can never 
be brought to live peaceably under any government which may be established by 
Christian Filipinos; and, lastly (d), that the percentage of illiteracy, even among the 
Christian inhabitants, is too great to permit of any intelligent administration ofgov- 
ernment. In fine, it is contended that, wanting in education and civilization and 


POLITICAL STATUS OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 


5 


lacking a common religion and a common language, it follows that the Philippine 
people have not that community of thought, of feeling, and of interest, that national 
unity and spirit, or that intelligence and educational capacity, essential to the suc¬ 
cessful establishment and permanent maintenance of a free, autonomous, and stable 
government. 

According to the census of 1903 the population of the Philippine Islands was 
7,635,426. Of these, 6,987,686 are classified as civilized. Only 647,740 are described 
as wild or uncivilized. Of the so-called uncivilized tribes 277,547 are Moros, who 
inhabit the southeastern and western portions of the island of Mindanao, which is 
the southernmost and next to the largest of all the islands, and the islands of the 
Sulu group; 211,520 are Igorots, dwelling in northern Luzon; 56,189 are Bukidnon, 
of the Province of Agusan, in eastern Mindanao, and the remainder are scattered in 
small groups throughout the islands. These official figures indisputably prove that 
the vast majority of the Philippine people are civilized, and many of the most beau¬ 
tiful cathedrals to be found anywhere in the world, as well as other substantial and 
costly church edifices scattered throughout the civilized portions of the islands, attest 
most strongly to the deep religious character of the Filipinos. 

But even were it admitted that the Moros are intractable and incapable of civiliza¬ 
tion, the census figures show that they constitute less than 4 per cent—or, to be exact, 
just 3.7 per cent—of the whole population of the islands. Indeed, these figures show 
that they are actually outnumbered by the civilized Filipinos of Mindanao, not¬ 
withstanding that 226,158 of the 277,547 Moros (2,323 of whom are themselves civilized) 
dwell in that island. It is a fact not generally appreciated, if known, that 296,845 
Christian Filipinos also inhabit the island of Mindanao. In Zamboanga, in the Moro 
Province, one of the most delightful of the cities of the Philippine Archipelago and 
the fourth in commercial importance, there were 44,322 inhabitants in the year 1903, 
almost equally divided between Christians and non-Christians. These facts con¬ 
clusively prove that the Moros may well be regarded as a negligible quantity in con¬ 
sidering the question of the capacity of the Philippine people for self-goAmrnment. 
But the work of education and civilization is progressing, even among the Moros, with 
far better results than any of the historians and writers upon this subject of a decade 
ago believed to be possible. 

The remainder of the wild tribes are so widely distributed throughout the archi¬ 
pelago, and have in the past given so little trouble to their civilized neighbors, that 
their government has never been looked upon as a serious problem—they must con¬ 
tinue in a large degree the wards of the nation whatever may be the form of govern¬ 
ment under which they live. Is it then unreasonable, in view of the foregoing facts, 
to indulge the hope that these wild people, all of whom are of Malayan origin, would 
more readily submit to the restraints of a government participated in by them, and 
established for their protection by members of their own race, than to those imposed 
by an alien people? Do the facts hereinbefore set forth justify the belief that the 
government of the wild men of the Philippine Islands will ever become to the Fili¬ 
pinos, if given their independence, so difficult a problem as has been that of the 
American Indians to the Government of the United States? 

It is true, of course, that the Philippine Archipelago is composed of many islands, 
and that there is no native language which is universally spoken. A large majority 
of the whole people, however, speak either Tagalog, Visayan, or Iloeano, which are 
the three principal languages of the islands. Nearly half of the Christian population, 
or 3,219,030, are Visayans, and there are 1,460,695 Tagalogs in the island of Luzon, to 
say nothing of the members of other tribes who, to the number of 2,000,000, speak 
Tagalog. For 300 years the official language of the Philippines has been Spanish, 
and whilst the percentage of the rural population speaking it was never very large, it 
was, nevertheless, spoken throughout the archipelago by the educated and office- 
holding classes and is quite universally spoken in Manila and other cities and large 
towns. 

There has been a noticeable disposition in some quarters to create the impression 
that the Filipinos are an ignorant and illiterate people. This was very far from the 
truth, even prior to American advent. To demonstrate this it. is only necessary to 
advert to a few salient facts bearing upon the subject of education during the long 
years of Spanish control. The University of St. Joseph was founded by the Jesuits in 
Manila very nearly 325 years ago, and 17 years before the doors of the first American 
college were opened the Dominican Order of the Catholic Church in the Philippine 
Islands established, also in Manila, the University of St. Thomas, which for more than 
three centuries lias been in successful operation. And yet the Tagalogs had attained 
a well-defined civilization long before the advent of either the Dutch or the Spanish. 
Prior to the year 1863 there were parochial schools throughout the islands, but it was 
not until that year that primary schools were established, under the royal decree of 


6 


POLITICAL STATUS OP TPIE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 


December 20, in every municipality of the archipelago. In addition to the many 
private and church schools which had long been in existence prior to 1866 Spanish 
school statistics for that year show that there had then been established 1,674 Govern¬ 
ment-supported schools, attended by 230,358 Filipino boys and girls. There were 
that year 1,681 matriculates at the University of St. Thomas engaged in the study of 
the higher branches of learning. 

There were also located in Manila prior to the revolution against Spain five colleges 
devoted to the education of women, among them the College of Santa Isabel; a college 
of agriculture; a nautical school; a superior school of painting, sculpture, and en¬ 
graving; a military academy; and a number of other colleges of more or less impor¬ 
tance, where the higher branches were taught. There were, too, as many as 9 other 
colleges and 67 high-grade Latin schools located in various sections of the islands. 
A people enjoying such superior educational advantages as these can scarcely be char¬ 
acterized as ignorant and illiterate. Especially can it not be said of the Tagalogs 
who for ages have possessed a rich literature of their own. Even in the outlying Chris¬ 
tian settlements of northern Luzon a majority of the population could read and write 
their own language long before the power of Spain over the islands was broken. 

It will scarcely be denied that since American occupation immense progress has 
been made in the direction of education. Not only have thousands of public schools 
been established all over the archipelago, but the standards of most of the old ones 
have been raised. In all of the new, and in many of the old, English is employed 
and taught, and the natives are evincing a praiseworthy desire to become proficient 
in it. Many night schools have been established for the benefit of the laboring classes, 
and they, as well as the higher schools, are all well attended. For nearly 10 years 
the average public-school enrollment has not been less than 500,000. The report of 
the secretary of education for the year ending June 30,' 1911, shows that the enroll¬ 
ment for that school year reached the high-water mark of 610,493, not including 5,302 
pupils enrolled in the schools of the Moro Province. The total number of public 
schools in operation last year, according to this report, was 4,404, and the total number 
of teachers employed at the end of the school year was 9,086, of whom 8,403, or over 
92 per cent, were Filipinos. It is shown, too, that there was a general improvement 
on the part of the Filipino teachers during the year, both in scholastic attainments 
and in ability to teach. A splendidly equipped normal school was established in 
1901 and reorganized in 1909. 

This institution is annually training hundreds of young men and women to teach 
under the conditions which exist in all Provinces of the islands, civilized or uncivil¬ 
ized. The first Philippine Legislature provided for the establishment of the Uni¬ 
versity of the Philippines, which was organized something over two years ago. It 
provides advanced instruction in literature, philosophy, and the sciences and arts, 
and affords professional and technical training for students who have passed through 
other colleges. The total registration of students at this institution of higher learn¬ 
ing in August of last year was 1,220. All the lectures, of course, are in English and 
many of the learned professors are Filipinos. The late James A. he Hoy, who for 
two years was connected with the Philippine Commission, and who. therefore, pos¬ 
sessed exceptional opportunities for securing information upon the subject, says in 
his admirable book on the Philippines, published in 1905, that “approximately 
one-half the Christian population oyer 10 years of age is literate,” and that this in¬ 
cluded "the people of the most backward and outlying Christian settlements in the 
mountains of north central Luzon, in unsettled islands like Mindoro and Palawan, 
and on the outskirts of Mindanao.” In the Tagalog Provinces, where the percentage 
of literacy is highest, it is stated bv this author that the number able to read “is 
something over 70 per cent of the population above iO years of age.” This was seven 
years ago, and before the American system of education was fairly underway; before 
there were thousands of trained Filipino teachers conducting the schools in the English 
language. So much for the literacy of the Filipinos. 

The Hon. Newton W. Gilbert, secretary of public instruction in the Philippine 
Islands, at one time a Member of the House of Representatives and of this committee, 
makes the striking statement in his annual report for the year 1910 that “more persons 
in the Philippine Islands speak and write the English language than speak or write 
any other language or dialect.” If this were true in 1910, how much larger will be the 
proportion of those who speak and write English in 1921? But there is more recent 
and much stronger testimony than this in refutation of the oft-repeated assertion 
that the Filipinos possess no common language and therefore are lacking in the means 
of communication among themselves. In a carefully prepared article in the American 
Yearbook for 1911 it is stated that more Filipinos speak the English language than 
speak any other one language or dialect. That is to say, that more than one-half of 
the Christian inhabitants, who constitute more than nine-tenths of the total popula- 


POLITICAL STATUS OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 7 


lion of the Philippine Islands, have acquired the ability to speak the English language 
in the short space of 10 years. If this great progress has been made by the Filipinos 
within the last decade in the acquisition of the English language, what may not be 
expected of this wonderful people within the next 10 years? English-taught schools 
are rapidly multiplying all over tlie islands, and progression along all lines of education 
will be much more rapid in the coming than it was in the last decade. In view of the 
past advancement of the Philippine people in this direction, is it unreasonable to 
believe that when the 4th day of July, 1921, arrives English will be the common 
language of the Philippine Islands, and that it will afford the Philippine people that 
medium of communication deemed so essential to their fitness for independent exist¬ 
ence and self-government? 

Among other arguments advanced against granting the Filipinos independence is 
their alleged lack of homogeneity. The truth is they are more homogeneous than the 
people of the United States. The Director of the Philippine Census, Gen. J. P. San¬ 
ger, United States Army, says in his chapter on Population: 

“As compared with the schedules of the Twelfth Census of the United States, those 
of the Philippine Census are somewhat simpler, the difference being due mainly to 
the more homogeneous character of the population of the Philippine Islands.” 

FILIPINO EXPERIENCE IN GOVERNMENT. 

The Filipinos are not so lacking in administrative ability and in actual experience 
in government as has been frequently represented. There were Philippine deputies 
in the Spanish Cortes during portions of the first half of the nineteenth century, and 
in the year 1820, 17 Filipinos sat in the Spanish Parliament. The Philippine consti¬ 
tution, written by Apolinario Mabini, and proclaimed by the Malolos government in 
1899, is justly regarded as a notable intellectual achievement. Among those who 
represented the Philippine Republic, established by Gen. Aguinaldo in 1908, in the 
Malolos Congress, were many Filipinos of learning, great ability, and unquestioned 
patriotism. A number of these have held, and others are still holding, positions of 
trust and responsibility under the present government. Two of its members have 
since been commissioned to represent the Philippine Islands in t he capacity of Resi¬ 
dent Commissioners to the United States, and one of them is to-day occupying a seat 
on the floor of the House of Representatives. 

Dr. Schurman, the distinguished president of Cornell University, who was a mem¬ 
ber of the first Philippine Commission, and therefore qualified to speak upon the 
subject, wrote of the Filipinos 10 years ago: 

“But whatever be done with them (the Mahommedans) the civilized and Christian¬ 
ized democracy of Luzon and the Visayans desire independence. They are fairly 
entitled to it, and united as they now are. I think they might very soon be intrusted 
with it. In their educated men, as thorough gentlemen as one meets in Europe 
or America, this democracy of 6,500,000 Christians has its foreordained leaders.” 

That there are many highly educated and thoroughly cultured Filipinos has not 
been, and will not be, seriously questioned. There are many who, having received 
their educations at the best schools and universities of Europe, have returned to the 
Philippines, and are prominent in the professional and educational life of the islands. 
Some of these have achieved much distinction. Of the seven members of the Supreme 
Court of the Philippine Islands, three are Filipinos, the Hon. Cayeteno Arellano 
being the chief justice. The attorney general is the Hon. Ignacio Villamor, a Fili¬ 
pino. Of the Philippine Commission, five of its members are Americans and four 
Filipinos. There are four executive departments of the insular government, one of 
which, finance and justice, is presided over by Secretary Gregario Arenata. The 
director of labor, the Hon. Manuel Tino, is a Filipino. The codification committee 
is composed of three Americans and three Filipino lawyers, the chairman of which is 
the Hon. Manuel Araullo. 

Of the 29 judges of the courts of first instance 14 are Filipinos, and practically all 
of the judges of the lower courts are Filipinos. The provincial boards of the Provinces 
are composed of a governor, a treasurer, and a “third member.” The governors and 
“third members” of the organized Provinces, with the single exception of Batanes, 
where the governor is appointive, are all elected by the people, and are. in every in¬ 
stance, Filipinos. Eleven of the treasurers are Filipinos. The fiscals, or prosecuting 
attorneys, although appointive, are in the main, if not invariably, Filipinos. On 
June 30. 1911*. over 70 per cent of all the provincial officials in the Philippine Islands 
were Filipinos, and out of the more than 12,500 municipal and township officers, to 
quote from the last annual report of the executive secretary, “there are really but three 
American municipal officers in the self-governing municipalities, and two of these 
were elected by popular vote.” 


8 


POLITICAL STATUS OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 


No reference to Filipinos whose public services entitle them to a place in the history 
of their country, past or present, would be complete which omitted the name of the 
patriot, Rizal. whose glorious martyrdom stirred the hearts of Christiandom and pre¬ 
cipitated a revolution against Spain. Dr. Jos4 Rizal, by reason of his brilliant attain¬ 
ments and his sublime devotion to the cause of his suffering countrymen, was easily 
the foremost product of the Philippine people. The anniversary of the execution of 
this young martyr, December 30, 1896. has been made a national holiday, and through¬ 
out the Philippines his memory is universally revered. 

THE RETENTION OF THE PHILIPPINES REPUGNANT TO REPUBLICAN IDEALS AND DIS“ 

ASTROUS TO AMERICAN INTERESTS. 

In considering the question of Philippine independence, as proposed in this bill, 
and in reaching the conclusions to which we have come, your committee have not by 
any means regarded it solely from the standpoint of the people of the Philippine 
Islands. On the contrary, our views are largely, if not mainly, controlled by what are 
believed to be the true interests of the people of the United States. The free princi¬ 
ples upon which the American Government is founded are wholly incompatible with 
the idea of holding and governing against their consent any people who aspire to 
independence and are capable of governing themselves. Moreover, the policy of the 
United States has always been against expansion beyond the seas. Such expansion 
as has marked the marvelous growth and progress of the United States has until very 
recently been over land and conhned to this continent. It has embraced contiguous 
territory inhabited by a homogeneous people, and never land in another hemisphere, 
separated from us by thousands of miles of water and inhabited by an alien people 
differing from us in manners, customs, civilization, and race. The incidents which 
led up to the war with Spain had not the remotest connection with the Philippines. 
It was not a war of conquest. It was a war waged to free from intolerable oppression 
a people almost within sight of our shores and not one to bring under the dominion of 
the United States a people struggling for their liberties and residing upon the opposite 
side of the globe. The Spanish-American War was fought to free Cuba and not to 
enslave the Philippines; to erect a republic in the Occident, not to establish a subject 
colony in the Orient. From the \;ery beginning the Filipinos never welcomed 
American sovereignty. They accepted it only when unable longer to resist the 
superior strength of the United States. The late President McKinley declared in a 
speech delivered in the city of Chicago that “the War with Spain was undertaken, not 
that the United States should increase its territory, but that oppression at our very 
doors should be stopped.” He added. “This noble sentiment must continue to 
animate us and we must give to the world the full demonstration of the sincerity of our 
purpose.” To carry “this noble sentiment ” into effect is the object of this bill, and, 
in the opinion of this committee, it is so framed as to accomplish the purpose with 
honor to the American people and with just and proper regard for the future welfare 
and the best interests of the Filipinos. 

Secondary only in importance to the high moral questions of principle and right 
involved in the indefinite retention of the Philippine Islands is that of their constant 
menace to the peace and well-being of the American people. Instead of constituting 
a source of strength to the United States in the event of war with a first-class naval 
power, they would, by reason of their geographical position, become one of great 
weakness. Had not the Spanish army and navy been so fully occupied with the war 
in Cuba the story of Dewey’s engagement in Manila Bay might have been one of fat- 
different import. To fortify and defend all the principal ports of the Philippine 
Islands would require more money, ships, armies, munitions of war, and supplies 
than even a country possessing the enormous resources of the United States could 
command, and if, therefore, the purpose in holding the Philippines is merely to main¬ 
tain in the Orient a base for military and naval operations, then that purpose can 
much more readily, and more effectively, lie accomplished by retaining only the 
naval bases, harborage waters, and coaling stations provided for in the measure under 
consideration. 

As to whether or not the United States could successfully defend the Philippine 
Islands against a first-class naval power, that is a question about which there may be 
honest differences of opinion. That their defense, whether ultimately successful or 
not, would involve the sacrifice of tens of thousands of American lives and the expend¬ 
iture of vast sums of money does not admit of two opinions. That it.would mean 
the destruction of American commerce on the high seas and the prostration of all 
legitimate American enterprise and business during the continuance of the war will 
hardly be denied. It has recently developed, however, that it is the opinion of our 
military experts that it would not be expedient, in the event of war with any strong 
naval power, for the United States to attempt to defend the Philippines. 


POLITICAL STATUS OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 


9 


The policy of the United States in such an event will be, we are told, to abandon 
the islands, and. for the time being at least, to leave them to their fate. If this is to 
lie accepted as the policy and purpose of the United States, then it is difficult to under¬ 
stand of what advantage the fortification of the islands, or any one of them, can possibly 
be to this country in case of a foreign war. On the contrary, it would seem to be the 
part of wisdom to discontinue at once the expenditure of the vast sums which Congress 
is annually asked to appropriate for the fortification of the islands, and the maintenance 
there of a large body oi troops. Whether in the event of war our troops are voluntarily 
withdrawn as a wise strategic or precautionary measure, or they are driven out or cap¬ 
tured by a superior hostile force, the result will be the same. The fortifications which 
have been constructed, and those now in course of construction, will fall into the hands 
of the enemy, and will render more difficult the ultimate recovery of the islands should 
any attempt be made in that direction. If, therefore, the opinion expressed by the 
( hief of the Bureau of Insular Affairs is shared by other military authorities, and there 
is little room for doubt as to this, then a decent regard for national pride, if no higher 
consideration, would seem to dictate that the sooner we withdraw from the Philippine 
Islands, and relinquish sovereignty over them, the better it will be for the people of 
the United States. 


THE COST OF MAINTAINING AMERICAN SOVEREIGNTY IN THE PHILIPPINES. 


Estimates vary widely as to the cost to the United States of maintaining American 
sovereignty over the Philippine Islands. It will never be possible to compute with 
any degree of accuracy what the total cost has been from the date of American advent 
up to the present time. The late Senator Hoar declared more than 10 years ago that 
the United States had expended up to that time the enormous sum of $600,000,000, 
and his figures have never been successfully challenged. Within the past 10 years the 
United States have expended many millions in the islands for strictly military pur¬ 
poses. More than $10,000,000 have been expended within that period in the con¬ 
struction and equipment of fortifications alone. 

The mean number of troops maintained by the United States in the Philippines 
during the fiscal year 1911 was 17,370, of whom 12.277 were Americans and 5,093 
natives. It is estimated that it costs the Government $1,500 annually to maintain 
each soldier in the foreign service. Computed upon this basis the cost alone of main¬ 
taining the military forces in the Philippine Islands last year was over $26,000,000. 
It would be difficult to even estimate what part of the naval expenses of the United 
States should properly be chargeable to this account . It is probably safe to affirm that 
the sum which would be annually saved, under the conditions of peace and tranquillity 
which now prevail, were the United States to relinquish sovereignty over the Philip¬ 
pine Islands, would not fall much short, if any, of $50,000,000. 


During the four years that have elapsed since the foregoing review 
was written the evidence upon which the Filipinos base their claim 
that they are capable of maintaining, as well as of establishing, a 
government of their own suited to their needs has steadily accumu¬ 
lated. As was set forth in the report made by this committee in the 
Sixty-third Congress, hereinbefore referred to, the policy pursued by 
former administrations of Filipinizing the public service as rapidly as 
conditions would seem to justify has been consistently pursued by the 
present Governor General. Thus the number of natives possessing 
administrative experience has been constantly increased without 
any impairment of the efficiency of the public service. The wisdom 
of the action of the present Chief Executive of the United States in 
increasing the Filipino membership of the Philippine Commission 
from four to five, by this means giving the Filipinos the control of 
both branches of the legislature, has been clearly demonstrated by 
the good results that have followed therefrom. For three successive 
legislatures prior to this Executive action there had been deadlocks 
between the Philippine Commission and the assembly which had 
resulted in the failure of the passage of any general appropriation bills, 
to the serious detriment of the public service. Since the Filipinos 
have been in full legislative control of their government there has 


10 


POLITICAL STATUS OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 


been no lack of harmony between the two branches of the legislature, 
as a consequence of which efficiency in the administration of govern¬ 
mental affairs has been very appreciably promoted. Expensive but 
useless bureaus have been abolished, excessive salaries reduced, and 
many other economic reforms instituted without impairing in any 
degree the efficiency of government. The genius and capacity of the 
Filipinos for the exercise of the duties and responsibilities of self- 
government have become increasingly apparent as the policy of 
Filipinization has been extended. Too much emphasis, therefore, 
can not be placed upon the action of the President in giving to the 
Filipinos complete control of their legislature, and yet, when this 
action was taken, many Americans prophesied that it would be fol¬ 
lowed by dire results. In the special report of Gen. McIntyre, 
Chief of the Bureau of Insular Affairs, made on the 1st of December 
last, after an exhaustive personal investigation of conditions in the 
Philippines, it is stated: 

The unfortunate condition existing in the legislature which resulted in a failure for 
three years to pass the annual appropriation bill and the failure to provide revenues 
by necessary taxation has been replaced by a spirit of good will and cooperation 
between the two houses. Appropriation bills have been passed promptly, and addi¬ 
tional taxes have been imposed to meet the heavy public work expenditures which the 
legislature does not wish to suspend. 

The legislative treatment of the Moros and other non-Christian inhabitants not 
represented in the legislature has been more liberal than at any time in the past. 

The foregoing indisputable facts would seem to demonstrate that 
the Filipinos can safely be intrusted with the larger measure of self- 
government which is provided in this bill, and that if afforded the 
opportunity contemplated therein of inaugurating a Government 
stable in character and exclusively their own their efforts will be 
.crowned with abundant success. 

The act of Congress under which the Philippine Islands have been 
governed up to the present time was designed, as expressed in the 
title, as merely a temporary measure. In the special report of the 
Chief of the Bureau of Insular Affairs, already referred to, it is stated 
that “it is doubtful if there are any persons in the Philippines who 
consider political questions who do not feel that there should be some 
legislation along the general lines” of the House bill of the Sixty- 
third Congress. “The Filipino opinion,” the report says, “is that 
the form of government had outlived its usefulness, and this opinion 
is shared by practically all the Americans in the islands, even by 
those who advanced the idea that it should have been remedied by 
the abolition of the popular assembly.” “The reason for this,” 
the report continues, “was quite evident to those who have followed 
conditions in the islands during the past 8 or 10 years. The opinion 
is practically unanimous that the form of government established in 
the islands, with an appointive commission as the upper house of the 
legislature, an elective assembly for the lower house, and with the 
commission, or upper house, given exclusive legislative authority 
over one-third of the territory of the Archipelago, was no longer 
workable. The disagreement between the two houses had assumed 
an almost irreconcilable form.” 

It may be affirmed, therefore, that it is the consensus of opinion of 
all who possess any knowledge of Philippine affairs that the present 
organic law is no longer suited to the needs of the Filipino people, and 


POLITICAL STATUS OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 11 

that if there is to be that progress and development of which they are 
capable a more liberal, progressive, and republican form of govern¬ 
ment must be provided for them. It is believed that this bill, if 
enacted into law, will at once provide such a government and at the 
same time secure to the Filipino people the means through which 
they will be enabled to organize a government of their own to take 
its place when their independence shall have become an accomplished 
fact. 

SUMMARY OF THE FEATURES OF THE PROPOSED PROVISIONAL GOVERN¬ 
MENT. 

A number of the sections of tills bill are verbatim copies of sections 
of the bill which passed the House in the Sixty-third Congress. The 
synopsis of those sections which follows is largely in the language used 
in the report made by this committee on that bill: 

Section 1 defines the territory known as the Philippine Islands, to 
which the provisions of this bill are to apply. It does not change the 
boundaries as they at present exist. 

Section 2 relates to citizenship and does not materially change the 
present law upon the subject. 

Section 3 contains a bill of rights which is practically a copy of the 
present law, with the exception of two important provisions. One 
of these new provisions prohibits the contracting of polygamous or 
plural marriages and the other prohibits the manufacture or sale 
of intoxicating drink, with the exception of certain specified native 
wines and beverages. 

Section 4 provides that all expenses incurred on account of the 
government of the Philippines shall be paid out of Philippine revenues. 

Section 5 declares that the statute laws of the United States here¬ 
after enacted shall not apply to the Philippines, except where ex¬ 
pressly so provided. 

Section 6 continues in force the existing laws and ordinances of the 
Philippines, except those changed by this bill or repealed by the legis¬ 
lative authority established under it. 

Section 7 confers upon the Philippine Legislature the authority to 
amend or repeal any law continued in force by this bill and specially 
extends this power to all laws relating to revenue and taxation in 
effect in the Philippines subject to certain limitations. 

Section 8 confers the legislative powers now exercised by the Phil¬ 
ippine Legislature and the Philippine Commission upon the legis¬ 
lature provided for in this bill. 

Section 9 transfers the whole of the public domain acquired by the 
L nited States from the Kingdom of Spain, and what are known as the 
friar lands, to the Philippine Government. Acts of the Philippine 
Legislature, however, with reference to lands, timber, and mining, are 
not to have the force of law until approved by the President of the 
United States. 

Section 10 provides that the trade relations between the Philippines 
and the United States shall continue to be goverened exclusively by 
laws enacted by the Congress of the L T nited States, and expressly 
provides that tariff acts or acts amendatory to the tariff of the 
Philippine Islands and legislation affecting immigration into the 


12 


POLITICAL STATUS OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 


islands, or the currency or coinage laws of the islands, shall not be¬ 
come law until approved by the President of the United States. 

Section 11 confers upon the Philippine Legislature the power to 
assess taxes upon property and to impose internal-revenue taxes. It 
also increases the limitation of $12,000,000 now placed upon the 
public indebtedness of the islands to $17,000,000, and declares that no 
Province or municipality, except several specified cities, shall incur 
an indebtedness in a sum in excess of 5 per cent of the aggregate tax 
valuation of its property at any one time. It also provides the terms 
upon which the Philippine Government may make loans to Provinces 
and municipalities. 

Section 12 provides that in case of the issue of bonds by any 
Province or municipality, the government may make provision to 
meet the obligation of such bonds by the levy and collection of taxes. 

Section 13 establishes a Philippine Legislature, to consist of two 
houses, one the senate and the other the house of representatives, 
and vests all legislative authority in them except as otherwise 
specified. 

Section 14 provides that the members of the senate shall be elected 
for terms of four years, and that each senate district shall have the 
right to elect two senators, and prescribes their qualifications. 

Section 15 provides that members of the house of representatives 
shall be elected for two years, and prescribes their qualifications. 

Section 16 provides that at the first election held pursuant to the 
provisions of the bill the qualified electors shall be those having the 
qualifications of voters under the present law, and defines the quali¬ 
fications of those who shall vote at subsequent elections. The edu¬ 
cational qualification at present is that voters shall be able to read 
and write either Spanish or English. This bill provides that they 
must be able to read and write either Spanish, English, or a native 
language. By extending the suffrage qualification so as to permit all 
those who can read and write any native language to vote will neces¬ 
sarily largely increase the number of voters in the islands, since 
there are many literate Filipinos who are now debarred from voting 
by reason of their ignorance of Spanish or English. 

Section 17 divides the islands into 12 senate districts, and provides 
that there shall be 90 legislative districts, 81 of which shall be as now 
defined by law and 3 in the mountain Province, 1 in Nueva Vizcaya 
and 5 in the department of Mindanao and Sulu. It is provided, 
however, that the Governor General shall appoint, without the con¬ 
sent of the senate and without restriction as to residence, senators 
and representatives who will, in his opinion, best represent the senate 
district and those representative districts which may be included in 
the territory not now represented in the Philippine Assembly. 

Section 18 provides when the terms of elective senators and repre¬ 
sentatives shall begin and how special elections may be held to fill 
vacancies. 

Section 19 grants the power to the two houses to organize and elect 
the usual officers. It also fixes the compensation of senators and 
representatives until otherwise provided by the Philippine Legisla¬ 
ture. 

Section 20 establishes rules for the enactment of legislation. In 
case the Governor General shall veto any bill or resolution, the votes 
of two-thirds of the members elected to each house of the legislature 


POLITICAL STATUS OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 


13 


are required to pass the same. Any hill or resolution thus passed 
over the veto of the Governor General must he submitted to the 
President of the United States and receive his approval before it can 
become a law. The Governor General is given the power to veto any 
particular item or items of an appropriation bill. All laws enacted 
by the Philippine Legislature must be reported to the Congress of 
the United States, which reserves power and authority to annul the 
, same. An important provision of this section is that which provides 
that if at the termination of any fiscal year the appropriations neces¬ 
sary for the support of the government for the ensuing fiscal year shall 
not have been made, the several sums appropriated in the last appro¬ 
priation bills shall be deemed to be reappropriated. This provision 
so changes the language of existing law upon this subject as to prevent 
further recurrence of the practice resorted to on three several occasions 
of applying funds appropriated for specified objects and purposes to 
other objects and purposes in the sole discretion of the Governor 
General. 

Section 21 provides for the election of two Resident Commissioners 
to the United States. 

Section 22 vests the supreme executive power in a Governor 
General, to be appointed by the President, who is given general 
supervision and control of the departments and bureaus of the gov¬ 
ernment. It also defines his powers and duties. All appointments 
made by the Governor General must receive the approval of the 
Philippine Senate. He is also required to submit within 10 days of 
the opening of each regular session of the Philippine Legislature a 
budget of receipts and expenditures, which shall he the basis of the 
annual appropriation bill. 

Section 23 provides that the Governor General shall be responsible 
for the faithful execution of the laws of the Philippine Islands, and 
of the United States operative within the Philippine Islands. 

Section 24 provides for the appointment by the President of a 
vice governor, who shall have all the powers of the Governor General 
in the case of a vacancy or temporary removal, resignation, or dis¬ 
ability of the Governor General, or in case of his temporary absence. 
The vice governor is to be the head of the executive department 
known as the department of public instruction. 

Section 25 declared that, except as otherwise provided in this bill, 
the executive departments of the Philippine Government shall con¬ 
tinue as now authorized by law until otherwise provided by the 
Philippine Legislature. It further provides that when the Philip¬ 
pine Legislature shall convene and organize, the Philippine Com¬ 
mission, as such, shall cease to exist and that the members thereof, 
except the Governor General and heads of executive departments, 
shall vacate their offices as members of said commission. Authority 
is conferred upon the Philippine Legislature to increase the number 
or abolish any of the executive departments except that of the de¬ 
partment of public instruction. It may also provide that heads of 
executive departments shall have seats in either or both houses of 
the legislature, with the right of debating or voting or both. All 
executive functions of the government must be directly under the 
Governor General or within one of the executive departments under 
the supervision and control of the Governor General. This section 
also establishes a bureau to be known as the bureau of nonchristian 



14 


POLITICAL STATUS OF THE miLTPPINE ISLANDS. 


tribes, which shall have general supervision over the public affairs 
of the inhabitants of the territory represented in the legislature by 
appointive senators and representatives. 

Section 26 provides for the appointment by the President of an 
auditor, and defines the duties of that official. It also provides for 
the appointment in the same manner of a deputy auditor. 

Section 27 provides for appeals to the Governor General from the 
decisions of the auditor. 

Section 28 provides for the appointment by the President of a 
director of civil service, whose duty it shall be to perfornf the duties 
now prescribed by law for the director of civil service of the Philip¬ 
pine Government, and declares that no act amending the civil service 
laws of the Philippines shall be effective without the approval of the 
President. 

Sections 29 and 30 prescribe the jurisdiction of the supreme court 
and the courts of first instance, which is practically as is at present. 
The chief justice and the associate justices of the supreme court are 
to be appointed by the President, while all other judges are to be 
appointed by the Governor General, by and with the consent of the 
Philippine Senate. 

Section 31 confers upon the government of the Philippine Islands 
the right to grant franchises, including the authority to exercise the 
right of eminent domain. Ample provision is made in this section 
for protecting the rights of owners of private property and for placing 
proper limitations upon the issues of corporate securities. 

Section 32 fixes the salaries of the officials appointed by the Presi¬ 
dent of the United States and provides for their payment. The 
salaries of the officials not appointed by the President are to be deter¬ 
mined by the Philippine Legislature. The salaries of the officials 
appointed by the President, as well as those appointed by the Gov¬ 
ernor General, are to be paid out of the revenues of the Philippines. 

Section 33 continues in force and effect all laws applicable to the 
Philippines not in conflict with the provisions of this bill. 

THE PROVISION AS TO PHILIPPINE INDEPENDENCE. 

The foregoing synopsis, as heretofore indicated, relates only to the 
governmental provisions of the bill. The thirty-fourth, or last, sec¬ 
tion of the bill, commonly known as the Clarkgjamendment, embodies 
such provisions as relate to tile future political status of the Philippine 
Islands. 

Briefly summarized, it authorizes and directs the President to with¬ 
draw and surrender the sovereignty of the United States over the 
Philippine Islands and the inhabitants thereof, and confers upon him 
full power to take the several steps necessary to institute a free and 
independent Philippine government, acting by and through the 
governmental agencies created in the bill. This transfer of sov¬ 
ereignty is to become absolute not less than two nor more than four 
years from the date of the approval of the act. If, however, the 
President, prior to the expiration of the said period of four years, 
shall find that the condition of the internal or external affairs of the 
Philippines in respect to the stability or efficiency of the proposed 
government is such as to warrant him in so doing, he is authorized 
to extend the four-year period to the date of the final adjournment 
of the session of Congress which shall convene next after the expira- 


POLITICAL STATUS OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 


15 


tion of said period. The President is also invested with full power 
and authority to make such orders and regulations and to enter into 
such negotiations with the authorities of the said Philippines or 
others as may be necessary to finally settle and adjust all property 
rights and other relations as between the United States and the 
Philippines, and to cause to be acknowledged, respected, and safe¬ 
guarded all of the personal and property rights of citizens or cor¬ 
porations of the United States and of other countries resident or 
engaged in business in the islands or having property interests therein. 
The President is further authorized to reserve such land as in his 
judgment may be required by the United States for naval bases and 
coaling stations. 

It is to be observed that, in addition to providing for the inde¬ 
pendence of the Philippine Islands within a specified period, the fore¬ 
going section directs (1) that the President shall take the necessary 
steps to enable the Filipino, people to organize a government of their 
own, to become operative upon the withdrawal of American sover¬ 
eignty over the islands; (2) that it invests the President with full 
power to adjust all property rights and other relations between the 
United States and the Philippines, and to safeguard all of the per¬ 
sonal and property rights of citizens or corporations of the United 
States or of other countries resident or engaged in business in the 
islands or having property interests therein; and (3) that it authorizes 
the President to reserve such naval bases and coaling stations as may 
be required by the United States. 

The final section of this bill is therefore not only clear as to purpose, 
but sufficiently comprehensive in scope to meet all the ends which 
justice to the Filipino people and a proper regard for American inter¬ 
ests could reasonably demand. It does not attempt to prescribe the 
legislative and other machinery to be employed in the institution of 
the government which is to take the place of the provisional govern¬ 
ment created by this bill, nor does it even suggest the form of the gov¬ 
ernment under which the Philippine Islands shall become a free and 
independent*nation. It gives to the Filipinos the definite assurance 
that they shall not be set adrift without a government of their own, 
capable of maintaining peace and order throughout the Philippine 
Archipelago. At the same time it places in the hands of the Presi¬ 
dent of the United States the power and authority to exact from this 
government every possible assurance and guarantee that the per¬ 
sonal and property rights of every citizen of the United States or of 
any other nationality, resident or nonresident in the islands, shall be 
respected and safeguarded. The President being thus specifically 
clothed with the solemn duty of securing protection for every Ameri¬ 
can interest in the Philippines as a condition precedent to their inde¬ 
pendence no apprehension need he felt by either corporations or indi¬ 
viduals who have made investments therein. 

But the doctrine “the Philippines for the Filipinos/’ proclaimed by 
President McKinley, and reiterated from that time to this by those 
charged with the administration of Philippine affairs, is now to be 
repudiated and abandoned if certain selfish interests in the United 
States are to be heeded. As an argument for retaining possession 
of the Philippines altruism has given way to sordid selfishness—what 
is right to what will pay best. The advocates of “indefinite,” 
“remote,” or “ultimate” independence have been driven by the rapid 
march of recent events to abandon the disguises under which they 



16 


POLITICAL STATUS OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 


have hitherto hidden their real designs. Heedless of the assurance 
that American interest in them was purely altruistic, that the millions 
annually expended in holding them was solely for the disinterested 
purpose of preparing them to assume the responsibilities of an inde¬ 
pendent existence, and utterly indifferent to the solemn promises that 
at some indefinite period the Philippines would be given independence, 
certain promoters and representatives of American capital are now 
openly asserting that having purchased the islands for the sum of 
$20,000,000 the United States has obtained a fee simple and inde¬ 
feasible title to them, and therefore should hold them in perpetuity 
for purposes of exploitation. Abandoning all semblance of con¬ 
sistency there are also those who, heretofore conceding that the 
Philippines were at some time to be given their independence, now 
gravely contend that there is no constitutional way by which it is 
possible that the alienation of the islands can be accomplished. 

Although the commercial value of the Philippines to the United 
States is considerably greater than it was a few years since, owing 
to prevailing free trade conditions and the European war, it is, never¬ 
theless, out of all proportion to the financial burdens which their 
retention imposes upon the American people as a whole. So that 
even considered from the standpoint of commercial gain, the exploita¬ 
tion of the Philippines is indefensible, since they are clearly a lia¬ 
bility rather than an asset. 

Whilst trade statistics are available, figures showing the annual 
disbursements from the United States Treasury on account of the 
military occupation of the Philippines are more difficult to obtain. 
Owing to the manner in which appropriations for the maintenance 
of the Military Establishment of the United States are made, and the 
methods of bookkeeping employed, it is not possible to state with 
accuracy just what the Philippines are costing the American people. 
President Taft stated in an official communication to Congress that 
this was an “insoluble problem." To segregate payments made out 
of lump appropriations for military purposes so as to show just what 
sums were actually expended in connection with the Philippines is 
a difficult, if not an impossible, undertaking. Admitting its possi¬ 
bility, there would still remain room for discussion as to whether 
certain items of expenditure should or should not properly be charged 
to the account of the Philippines. The items concerning which there 
can be no room for discussion constitute in the aggregate an annual 
expenditure much larger than the sum paid Spain for the islands. 

It must by this time be apparent to all thoughtful people that the 
determination of the political status of the Philippines can not longer 
lie wisely, if indeed safely, postponed. The war which is spreading 
death and ruin over Europe and large portions of Asia has brought 
the United States face to face with the vital question of preparedness 
against foreign aggression, and Congress is called upon to make ade¬ 
quate provision for the national defense. The popular demand for 
the strengthening of the military and naval arms of the Govern¬ 
ment is both loud and insistent, but before it can be wisely deter¬ 
mined to what extent the Army shall be increased and the Navy 
enlarged it is absolutely essential that those charged with responsi¬ 
bility for the country’s safety shall know whether the Philippines 
are to be given independence or be held as a colony to lie fortified 
and defended. If they are to be included in any scheme of national 
defense which may be adopted the cost to the American people will 


POLITICAL STATUS OP THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 


17 


be many millions greater than would otherwise be necessary. If, on 
the other hand, the policy shall be to retain control over them, but, 
in the event of foreign attack, not to attempt their defense but to 
abandon them to their fate, as has been suggested by military men, 
we shall risk inviting the scorn of the world and of standing humili¬ 
ated in the presence of all mankind. The issue is clean cut, and there 
is no escaping it. If the Philippines are to be held indefinitely, the 
same protection must be extended to them as is afforded every other 
foot of United States territory. The difficulty, if not the impossi¬ 
bility, of successfully defending territory located in the Eastern 
Hemisphere, and separated from continental United States by the 
Pacific Ocean, must be apparent to the average intelligence, and yet 
holding and governing them against the consent of their inhabitants 
increases rather than lessens the obligation to defend them. 

If the United Satets should unfortunately become involved in war 
with any first-class military and naval power, the Philippines would 
constitute our most vulnerable point of attack, and therefore it can 
not but be apparent that so long as they are held as an American 
colony they will prove a source of national weakness and a constant 
menace to our peace and happiness as a people. Is it possible that 
national considerations such as these shall not outweigh those of 
individual selfishness and corporate greed ? 

CLARKE AMENDMENT APPROVED IN PHILIPPINES. 

The unfounded statement that the Filipinos do not desire the fixing 
of an early and definite date for their independence, and that there is 
considerable opposition to this bill on the part of substantial Filipinos 
is being widely disseminated in the United States. It is well known 
that organized effort is being made by some Americans resident in the 
Philippines to create such an impression, and that this effort is being 
materially aided and actively encouraged by certain business interests 
in this country, but the truth is that public sentiment throughout 
the archipelago is to-day, despite the activities of these political 
propagandists, stronger than ever before in favor of early independ¬ 
ence. It is also true that the independence provisions of this bill are 
well understood in the Philippines; that the bill itself has not only 
been widely printed in both English and Spanish but that it has been 
translated into Tagalog, published in pamphlet form, broadly circu¬ 
lated, eagerly read and enthusiastically approved. When the Clarke 
amendment was pending before the Senate, namely, on January 25, 
1916, the Philippine Assembly unanimously passed the following 
resolution approving its provisions: 

Whereas the Clarke amendment to the Philippine bill now pending before the Senate 
of the United States specifies the conditions under which independence shall be 
granted to the people of the Philippine Islands, expedites the granting of that inde¬ 
pendence, and safeguards the internal and external affairs of the said islands pending 
the granting of said independence. 

Whereas said amendment makes the independence provision of the preamble more 
clear, explicit, unequivocal, and expeditious, and fixes the responsibilities which 
the people of the United States and the people of the Philippine Islands shall 
respectively assume before and after the granting of said independence: Therefore, 

Resolved , That the Philippine Assembly should recommend, as it does hereby 
respectfully recommend, the passage of said amendment by the Congress and the 
President of the United States. 


H. Rept, 499, 64-1-2 



18 


POLITICAL STATUS OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 


It h as also received the unqualified approval'of Gov. Gen. Harrison, 
as expressed in two cablegrams addressed to the chairman of the 
Insular Affairs Committee, and the speaker of the assembly has sent 
to Commissioner Quezon the following cablegram expressing the 
gratitude of his people over the action of this committee in favorably 
reporting the Senate bill: 

Cebu, P. I., March 3, 1916. 

Quezon, Washington: 

Please convey to Mr. Jones and members of the Committee on Insular Affairs the 
most sincere gratitude of the people of the Philippines for their action in favorably 
reporting the Senate bill. We hope that every effort will be made to secure the 
speedy enactment of this bill. The time has certainly arrived when the reiterated 
promise of the American people to grant the Philippines independence should be 
fulfilled. 

Osmena. 

It has been recently published ip various newspapers in this coun¬ 
try, under conspicuous Manila date lines, that prominent Filipinos 
resident in the Visayan Islands desired that independence should be 
postponed for 20 years. The following copy of a cablegram from the 
city of Iloilo, sent by the president of the Progresista Party, is inter¬ 
esting in this connection: 

Iloilo, P. 1., March 8, 1916. 

Congressman Jones, Washington, D. ('.: 

Meeting Iloilo people called by Progresista Party emphatically disapproves petition 
presented to Shuster by certain Filipinos favoring independence within 20 years. 
Progresistas supported bv people of Iloilo request immediate approval Jones bill with 
Clarke amendment. 

Montinola, President Progresistas. 

The passage of this bill will mark an epoch in American history. 
It will carry with it the gladsome assurance that the American Gov¬ 
ernment will not sanction an imperialistic colonial policy such as 
would mean the abandonment of the principles upon which it was 
founded; it will furnish indubitable evidence that the American con¬ 
science has not been deadened by the lust of territorial aggrandize¬ 
ment; and it will establish in the hearts and minds of the Filipino 
people as nothing else could the solemn conviction that the American 
people steadfastly hold to the creed of the fathers of the Republic 
and still believe that liberty is the birthright of man and that gov¬ 
ernments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. 


o 



























































































































64tii Congress, ) HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. J Rept. 499, 
1st Session . j ( Part 2. 


POLITICAL STATUS OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 


April 12, 1916.—Committed to the Committee of the Whole House on the State of 

the Union and ordered to be printed. 


Mr. Towner, from the Committee on Insular Affairs, submitted the 

following 

VIEWS OF THE MINORITY. 

[To accompany S. 381.] 

HOW WE ACQUIRED THE PHILIPPINES. ' 

Early in the year 1898 the state of public feeling in the United 
States regarding the treatment by Spain of Cuba had become so 
intensified as to threaten the pacific relations existing between the 
United States and Spain. A long period of corrupt administration, 
plundering, and cruelty had culminated in such acts of barbarity and 
terrorism in the attempt by Spain to suppress the Cuban insurrection 
as to excite the indignation and sympathy of the American people. 
A crisis was produced on the morning of the 15th of February by 
news that the U. S. battleship Maine , while paying a visit of courtesy 
to the harbor of Habana, was wrecked by an explosion which destroyed 
the ship and killed most of her crew. Investigation followed, with 
the result that it was determined “the ship was destroyed by the ex¬ 
plosion of a submarine mine.” 

April 18 Congress passed a resolution demanding that Spain at 
once relinquish its authority and government in Cuba and gave the 
President authority to enforce such demand. At the same time 
Congress declared that this country disclaimed any purpose to itself 
control the island “ except for the pacification thereof,” and asserted 
its determination to leave the government and control of the island 
to its people as soon as its pacification had been accomplished. 

War ensued. On the 25th of April Commodore George Dewey, 
commanding the Asiatic Squadron, then located in Hpngkong, 
received an order from the Secretary of the Navy as follows: 

War has commenced between the United States and Spain. Proceed to Philippine 
Islands. Commence operations at once, particularly against the Spanish fleet. You 
must capture vessels or destroy. Use utmost endeavors. 










2 


POLITICAL STATUS OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 


On May 1 the country was thrilled by a message from Dewey saying 
he had destroyed the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay. It was a glorious 
victory; one of the great events of the world’s history. 

Later Dewey reported: 

I can take Manila at any moment. To retain possession and thus control Philippine 
Islands would require, in my judgment, a well-equipped force of 5,000 men. 

Soon troops were sent, Manila was occupied, and Spanish authority 
in the islands destroyed forever. 

August 12 a protocol was signed between the United States and 
Spain by which Spain relinquished her sovereignty in Cuba, ceded 
Porto Rico to the United States, and agreed that “ the United States 
will occupy and hold the city, bay, and harbor of Manila pending the 
conclusion of a treaty of peace which shall determine the control, 
disposition, and government of the Philippines.” 

The treaty of peace was signed at Paris December 10, 1898. It 
provided for the cession of the Philippine Islands to the United States. 
Special provisions for Spanish subjects and Spanish interests were 
made, and the United States agreed to pay Spain $20,000,000. 

On October 28, 1898, Mr. Hay, then Secretary of State, cabled to 
the American commissioners then in Paris negotiating the treaty the 
views of President McKinley as to what should be done with the 
Philippine Islands. He said: 

It is imperative upon us that as victors we should be governed only by motives 
which will exalt our Nation. Territorial expansion should be our least concern; that 
we shall not shirk the moral obligations of our victory is the greatest. 

t 

After discussing the probable consequences of our withdrawal, he 
adds: 

Consequently, grave as are the responsibilities and unforeseen as are the difficulties 
which are before us, the President can see but one plain path of duty—the acceptance 
of the Archipelago. Greater difficulties and more serious complications—adminis¬ 
trative and international—would follow any other course. 

The position of the United States regarding the acquisition of the 
Philippines was that it was impossible for Spain to maintain her 
authority in the Philippines. It was equally impossible for the people 
of the United States to leave the people of the Philippines longer sub¬ 
ject to the domination of Spain. To withdraw from the islands would 
have been to subject the people to the continuance of revolt, with the 
prospect of final subjugation and continued misrule. If the revolu¬ 
tion against Spain should succeed and Spanish authority be over¬ 
thrown the islands would become the scene of internal wars and soon 
become the spoil of some other nation. It was known that Spain was 
considering selling the Philippines. Early in November, while treaty 
negotiations were in progress, it was reported that Spain was to sell 
the islands to France. Spanish securities rose in the market on the 
strength of that report. It was known that Germany was very 
anxious to obtain Spain’s possessions in the Pacific. After the treaty 
was signed with the LTnited States, Spain sold to Germany her three 
remaining Pacific groups, the Carolinas, the Pelews, and the Ladrones, 
except Guam. So ardently did Germany desire the Philippines that 
when Dewey was in Manila Bay following his victory, von Diederich, 
the German admiral, assembled the entire German fleet of the Pacific 
in Manila Bay, where his insolent interference with Dewey almost led 
to an open rupture. D. Of D. 

APR 15 1916 


POLITICAL STATUS OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 


3 


There was no other course for the United States but to take over 
the islands and assume their government and control. 

|H In the war with Spain ever}?' contest on land and sea was an 
American victory. In a short but glorious campaign the war ended 
in the complete success of the United States. No thought of conquest, 
no greed for spoils, no purpose of national aggrandizement tarnished 
the high purpose with which the United States reluctantly declared 
war on Spain. It was a war unsought and patiently resisted until 
the rising tide of sympathy and indignation became too strong to be 
repressed. The acquisition of any territory as a reason for entering 
upon the war was not entertained. On the contrary, it was expressly 
disclaimed. Porto Pico and the Philippines came to us not as spoils 
of war but as incidents of war. They could not be turned back to 
Spain, nor cast adrift, nor left to the rapacity of predatory nations. 
We took them in the prosecution of the war. We hold them because 
it is our duty to do so. In taking them we gave to ten millions of the 
human race “a new birth of freedom.” But at the same time we 
took upon ourselves a new and a noble responsibility. 

ACCOMPLISHMENTS. 

To understand how that responsibility has been met the conditions 
at that time existing in the Philippines should be recalled. The 
archipelago consists of over 3,000 islands, situated in the south¬ 
western Pacific. The total area is about 115,000 square miles. At 
the commencement of the American occupation the inhabitants of 
the islands numbered between seven and eight millions. The popula¬ 
tion consisted of many tribes scattered throughout the islands. In 
development these tribes ranged from the lowest savage to individ¬ 
uals of intelligence, culture, and refinement. There was no Philip¬ 
pine nation, there was no entity that could be known as the Philippine 
people, for there was no unity of thought, race, language, religion, 
development, ] hysical or moral characteristics. l ew of the people 
were educated at all. Eighty per cent were illiterate. There were 
but few schools. There was no participation by the people in their 
government. The Spaniard’s want of sympathy with an inferior 
people and his egregious incapacity for government had made 
conditions in the islands lamentable in the extreme. 

Such was the situation at the commencement of the American 
occupancy. To civilize and unify 8,000,000 of people such as before 
described was the gigantic task undertaken by the United States. 
How that task has been accomplished constitutes one of the most 
splendid chapters of American history. 

We have established a civil government which has given the Fili¬ 
pinos their first experience in self-government. We have accom¬ 
plished the complete pacification of the islands. We have estab¬ 
lished courts of justice both for the punishment of crime and the 
settlement of controversy. We have given the people of the Philip¬ 
pines a rule of law under which no person can be deprived of life, 
liberty, or property without due process of law. 

We found the Philippines one of the plague spots of the world and 
have made it the most healthful of oriental or tropical countries. We 
have practically abolished smallpox, have almost prevented the re¬ 
currence of cholera, have about eliminated the bubonic plague, have 


4 


POLITICAL STATUS OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 


isolated and prevented the spread of leprosy. The sources of malaria 
have been safeguarded. We have discovered the cause of beriberi 
and taken steps to prevent its recurrence, and have greatly reduced 
the fatalities from tuberculosis and other diseases. Sanitation, pure 
water, general hospital service—things almost unheard of before in 
the islands—have been introduced. 

In these reforms and accomplishments, while most of it has been 
against the wishes of the great body of the people, it so commended 
itself because of its marvelous success that there is now general ac¬ 
ceptance. Still it must be remembered that this has been accom¬ 
plished in too brief a period to rest on a secure foundation. The habits 
and prejudices of centuries can not be eradicated in a decade. There 
are apparent now indications which show that with the withdrawal 
of American supervision and control much of what has been accom¬ 
plished will be lost. 

THE FUTURE OF THE ISLANDS. 

From the first the question of the future of the Philippines has been 
pondered and discussed. Before the American occupancy the Fili¬ 
pinos had ambitions for independence. They had noted how the 
Spanish colonies had revolted, thrown off the Spanish yoke, and had 
achieved their independence. They knew of no reason why they 
could not do the same. Revolt had in fact become revolution before 
the American occupancy, and it is undoubtedly true that many Fili¬ 
pinos welcomed American occupancy as a step toward independence. 
It was known from the first that this ambition was entertained by 
many Filipinos, and with that ambition many Americans fully sym¬ 
pathized. But it was also recognized that independence was a condi¬ 
tion for which a nation must be fitted if it is either to be maintained 
or to prove a blessing. It is dependent on capacity and preparation 
for self-government. No one has better stated this than Mr. Wood- 
row Wilson, now President of the United States. In one of his ablest 
essays he said: 

Self-government is not a mere form of institutions, to be had when desired, if only 
proper pains be taken. It is a form of character. It follows upon the long discipline 
which gives a people self-possession, self-mastery, * * * and these things can not 
be had without long discipline. * * * We can give the Filipinos constitutional 
government, a government which they can count upon to be just, a government based 
upon some clear and equitable understanding, intended for their good and not for our 
aggrandizement, but we must ourselves, for the present, supply that government. 
* * * But we can not give them self-government. Self-government is not a thing 
that can be “given ’’ to any people, because it is a form of character and not a form of 
constitution. No people can be “given’’ the self-control of maturity. Only a long 
apprenticeship of obedience can secure them the precious possession, a thing no more 
to be bought than given. * * * We, of all people in the world, should know these 
fundamental things, and should act upon them. * * * To ignore them would be 
not only to fail, and fail miserably, but to fail ridiculously. Having ourselves gained 
self-government by a definite process which can have no substitute, let us put the 
people dependent upon us in the right way to gain it also. 

It was therefore wisely determined that our present duty in any 
event, whether they remained under the protection of the United 
States or were granted their independence, was to educate them, 
advance them, and thus to fit them for self-government, either as a 
great self-governing commonwealth such as Canada and Australia, or 
for entire separation. It is the duty of the United States, in pursu- 


POLITICAL STATUS OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 


5 


ance of that policy, to give to them from time to time the largest 
measure of self-government which they are capable of exercising 
safely regardless of what may be their ultimate destiny. It is cer¬ 
tainly true that when the people of the Philippines become prepared 
for self-government and capable of defending themselves and main¬ 
taining their position as an independent nation, and if at that time 
they desire their independence, the United States could not and would 
not refuse to grant it. There are many who believe that when that 
time arrives the Philippines will prefer to retain their relation with 
the United States rather than sever it, just as Canada and Australia 
prefer to retain their places as part of the greater nation, although 
they could have their independence at any time by asking for it. 

There is great divergence of opinion as to when it would be safe 
to consider the question of independence. A few years ago Ex- 
President Roosevelt said: 

I trust that within a generation the time will arrive when the Philippines can decide 
for themselves whether it is well for them to become independent or to continue under 
the protection of a strong and disinterested power, able to guarantee to the islands 
order at home and protection from foreign invasion. But no one can prophesy the 
exact date when it will be wise to consider independence as a fixed and definite 
policy. 

Ex-President Taft has given it as his opinion that it will be two 
generations before a controlling proportion of the population will be 
prepared to decide for themselves what their political status shall be. 
As he well says, preparation does not mean the “organization of a 
Philippine oligarchy or aristocracy competent to administer govern¬ 
ment and then turn the government over to it.” The capacity of 
the great body of the people must be considered if we expect to estab¬ 
lish a “government of the people.” 

The minority do not believe it necessary or wise to enumerate 
defects and point out the weaknesses which at this time exist to 
demonstrate that the great body of the Philippine people are not 
now fitted for self-government. He must be a credulous person who 
believes that within 16 years a collection of tribes, inhabiting separate 
islands, speaking different tongues, adherents of different religions, 
ranging in enlightenment from the lowest savagery to the highest 
civilization, can be welded into a homogeneous people capable of 
establishing and maintaining themselves among the nations of the 
world. Such a thing never has been done. It never can be done. 

Great progress, unparalleled progress has been made. Of that 
both Americans and Filipinos have a right to be proud. It is a 
reason why we should now grant a larger measure of self-government 
to the Philippines, and why we should continue such grants until 
absolute self-government is secured. In the future the question of 
independence may properly be considered. 


LEGISLATION. 

The organic act under which the Philippine Islands are now gov¬ 
erned was enacted by Congress in 1902. Some amendments have since 
been passed, but there has been no reconstruction of this fundamental 
legislation since that time. It has been for a long time generally 
agreed that a new constitution of government should he given the 


6 


POLITICAL STATUS OP THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 


islands. Various bills have been reported, but none of them has 
become a law. 

In the Sixty-second Congress, which was controlled by the Demo¬ 
cratic Party, a bill was introduced by Mr. Jones, then as now chair¬ 
man of the Committee on Insular Affairs. By its terms a provisional 
republic was organized, under the protection and partial control of 
the United States. It was further provided that “on and after the 
4th day of July, 1921, the full and complete independence of the 
Philippines shall be, and is hereby, acknowledged.” This bill was 
favorably reported by the committee and placed on tlie calendar of 
the House. Opposition to it developed in the party and it was not 
pressed for passage. Subsequently referring to this bill on the floor 
of the House Mr. Jones said: 


There are gentlemen of my own party who think that it is not best to fix a definite 
date for independence, and their opinions have weight with me, and I bow, and I 
bow gracefully, to the dictates of my party upon this subject as expressed in the 
national Democratic platform adopted at Baltimore. 

The second Jones bill which was thus drafted to conform to the 
Baltimore platform was introduced and passed by the House in the 
Sixty-third Congress. It consisted of a bill granting to the Filipinos 
a larger measure of self-government, and a preamble which declared 
“the purpose of the people of the United States as to the future polit¬ 
ical status of the people of the Philippine Islands.” It declared that 
purpose to be “to withdraw their sovereignty over the Philippine 
Islands and to recognize their independence as soon as a stable gov¬ 
ernment can be established therein.” 

That this bill was drawn in harmony with the Baltimore platform 
must be conceded. The bill provided that the United States would 
acknowledge the independence of the Filipinos “as soon as a stable 
government can be established.” The platform declared, “We 
favor an immediate declaration of the Nation’s purpose to recognize 
the independence of the Philippine Islands as soon as a stable gov¬ 
ernment can be established.” 

The provision of the bill was in exact conformity in that regard to 
the party platform. The bill failed of consideration by the Senate. 

Practically the same bill was introduced in the House by Mr. Jones 
at the commencement of this session. It was favorably considered 
by the committee, but was not reported for reasons that will here¬ 
after be stated. 

The chairman of the Committee on the Philippines in the Senate 
(Mr. Hitchcock), on December 7, 1915, introduced in the Senate a 
bill alike in substance with the Jones bill. As it was reported from 
the committee, however, it had a different preamble, which declared 
the purpose of the United States to be that complete independence 
should be granted “when in the judgment of the United States it will 
be to the permanent interest of the people of the Philippine Islands.” 

After debate in the Senate had proceeded several days, the Senator 
from Arkansas (Mr. Clarke) introduced an amendment directing the 
President to withdraw our authority and control of the Philippines 
and to recognize their independence not less than two years and not 
more than four years from the approval of the act. This amendment 
was adopted, the preamble was withdrawn, and the bill passed the 
Senate with this amendment. 


POLITICAL STATUS OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 


7 


This action was as unforeseen as it was astonishing. The Senator 
who introduced the amendment was not even a member of the com¬ 
mittee. He said in explaining his act: 

I had no particular reason in introducing this amendment except that no one else 
would do it. * * * Either I or some one else had to do it. I am getting as much 
salary as anybody else, and doing about as little, and I did not know but that I had 

better get busy right along that line. 

«• 

The Senate bill was further amended by prohibiting the manufac¬ 
ture, sale, or importation for sale of intoxicating liquor, except native 
wines and beverages. 

No hearings on either the Clarke or the prohibitory amendment 
were had in the Senate, and no hearings were allowed by the House 
committee, although requested by the minority. The Senate bill, 
with these and other amendments, was substituted for the Jones hill, 
and is now reported favorably by the majority. 

CHANGE OF POLICY. 

This remarkable change of policy on the part of the majority in 
Sena-te and House is worthy of consideration. Originally the chair¬ 
man of the committee, Mr. Jones, was in favor of a definite date for 
abandonment, but two years ago he was compelled to give up that 
idea. He did so reluctantly, but he was forced “gracefully,” as he 
said, to bow to the “ dictates of my party.” He drew up a new bill, 
as he expressed it, to conform to the “ national Democratic plat¬ 
form adopted at Baltimore.” This was certainly good politics. 
It might be a source of speculation as to what was the pressure and 
who were the persons who compelled him to bow to the “ dictates 
of my party,” but it was good politics in any event. Now, however, 
Mr. Jones is again compelled to “bow gracefully” to the dictates of 
some one and again reverse himself. This time it would appear not 
to conform to the Baltimore platform, but is distinctly antagonistic 
to it. Again, the wonder is, who is responsible for this reversal of 
policy. Certainly not the President. He said that it would not be 
fitting he should veto the Senate bill with the Clarke amendment 
before its passage, but he declared: 

It is my judgment that the action embodied in the Clarke amendment to the bill 
extending further self-government to the Philippines is unwise at this time. 

The then Secretary of War, Mr. Garrison, was not responsible, for 
he said of the Clarke amendment: 

I consider the principle embodied in the Clarke amendment an abandonment of 
the duty of this Nation and a breach of trust toward the Filipinos. So believing, I 
can not accept it or acquiesce in its acceptance. 

It was one of the two grounds upon which he based his resignation. 

It could not have been done on the suggestion of the chairman of 
the Senate Committee on the Philippines, because he openly opposed 
the adoption of the Clarke amendment in the Senate. 

It could not have been done upon the advice of Gen. Frank McIn¬ 
tyre, Chief of the Bureau of Insular Affairs, who is known to be 
opposed to the Clarke amendment. Gen. McIntyre was sent to the 
Philippines last summer to make a special study of existing condi¬ 
tions. His report was laid before Congress, as the President said in 
transmitting it, “Inasmuch as the bill extending a greater measure 


8 


POLITICAL STATUS OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 


of self-government to the Filipinos is now before Congress.” In that 
report Gen. McIntyre says there are three principal political parties 
in the Philippines, and “at present all of these.parties favor, with 
certain modifications, the Jones bill, as it is known.” He further 
says: 

While 1 have given above the public views of the political parties of the islands, 
I am convinced that no serious part of the Filipino people desires separation at this 
time, and that the serious people of the islands are wholly without belief that they can 
foresee clearly the day they would desire this separation. 

This matured and unbiased statement as to the desires of the 
Filipino people is confirmed in many ways. The news of the passage 
of the Senate bill with the Clarke amendment was received in the 
Philippines with consternation rather than exultation. 

It should be remembered that the Democratic platform of 1900, 
along with the promise of independence, declared that the United 
States would also give the Philippines “protection from outside 
interference.” The platform of 1904 promised “suitable guaranties 
of protection.” The platform of 1908 declared for independence 
“such independence to be guaranteed by us as we guarantee the 
independence of Cuba, until the neutralization of the islands can be 
secured by treaty with other powers. 7 7 The platform of 1912 
repeated in terms the declaration of 1908. 

Through all these years the Democratic Party has not only prom¬ 
ised independence to the Philippines but has also agreed to protect 
them and to guarantee their security from outside interference. 
Under the provisions of the Senate bill with the Clarke amendment 
they are to be cast adrift upon the troubled waters of international 
strife without promise of protection or guaranty of security. Natu¬ 
rally they are troubled. They look with apprehension to the time, 
so soon to arrive if this bill passes, when they will be cast helpless, 
without army or navy, without arms or ammunition, without money 
or credit, to become the easy prey of the first predatory nation that 
lands a fleet upon their shores. 

In an article entitled “Facing the country’s peril/ 7 La Demo- 
cracia, a leading journal published in the Philippines, calls for a 
union of all the parties “to petition the United States to provide the 
most adequate means to safeguard our national life. 77 Again, it said: 

The cloud of dangers that will inevitably darken the horizon looms threateningly 
if we shut our eyes to the future in its economic aspect. Let us confine ourselves 
entirely to the study of the difficulties surrounding our own domestic affairs that will 
arise here during the four years. The debt of millions and millions represented by 
the raihoad and which will go on increasing in the course of years, besides the inevi¬ 
table and overwhelming decrease in internal revenues incident to the Gronna amend¬ 
ment; the enforced withdrawal of the troops—a most lucrative revenue that will be 
cut off—the general depression in the value of everything that the country has and 
produces, etc., all will constitute at the end of the four years mentioned in the act a 
mountain of difficulties wiiicli will prevent the peaceful enjoyment of the boon of 
liberty. 

An account of a caucus of the majority members of the Philippine 
Legislature for the consideration of an independence clause without 
condition or guaranty of any kind, states: 

It is to be remembered that this question involves the integrity of our territory, and 
for this the sanction of those who represent the Philippine country is asked. It is not 
believed that they will allow themselves to be carried aw r ay with childish enthusiasm 
just to see themselves in possession of independence of some sort. 


POLITICAL STATUS OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 


9 


Still more significant are the declarations of the Democratic Party 
of the Philippines, which assumes to be the branch in the Philippines 
of the dominant party here. Assembled in convention for the 
purpose of selecting delegates to the forthcoming national Demo¬ 
cratic convention they resolved, among other things, as follows: 

The Baltimore platform contains this declaration: 

“We favor an immediate declaration of the Nation’s purpose to recognize the inde¬ 
pendence of the Philippine Islands as soon as a stable government can be established, 
such independence to be guaranteed by us until the neutralization of the islands can 
be secured by treaty with other powers. In recognizing the independence of the 
Philippines our Government should retain such land as may be necessary for coaling 
stations and naval bases.” 

We reaffirm our adherence to this Democratic doctrine, and accordingly indorse 
the Philippine bill as reported by the Philippine Committee of the United States 
Senate. As a consequence of our faith in and adherence to this solemn declaration 
by our party, we denounce and repudiate as un-American, un-Democratic, and 
cruelly unjust to the Filipino people any policy which would cast this people adrift 
on the dangerous seas of international politics without adequate financial resources 
and with no protection or guaranty of their national integrity. The Filipinos have 
trusted in our honor and relied on our good faith. The United States by abandoning 
the islands would dishonor itself and justly forfeit the respect of the nations of the 
earth, and of the people who look to us for protection and for whose safety we have 
assumed responsibility. We brand as unworthy of the American name a policy 
involving the abandonment of a sacred trust for reasons alleged to be concerned with 
our own greater security. If giving protection to all the inhabitants of the Philippines 
until such time as our obligations shall have been honorably fulfilled constitutes a 
menace to our national safety, which we do not concede, better, we say, war, and 
even defeat, than dishonor. If the United States after so many years of independent 
life finds itself insufficiently prepared for national defense what would be the fate 
of the Philippines without army, navy, or financial resources unless guaranteed pro¬ 
tection until their national integrity be assured? 

U SOLEMN PROMISES.” 

The majority report makes frequent reference to “ solemn promises ” 
that have been made to give the Philippines their independence. 
With great discretion the persons who made the “solemn promises” 
are not named. Almost anyone may give a solemn promise. The 
treaty with Spain provided that the “ civil rights and political status 
of the native inhabitants of the territory hereby ceded to the United 
States shall be determined by Congress.” No individual and no 
other power than Congress has or had any authority to give any 
promise to the people of the islands. However, Congress has made 
certain “solemn promises” to the people of the Philippines. In the 
organic act it gave them the right of habeas corpus; of immunity 
from deprivation of life or liberty without due process of law, and the 
taking of property without just compensation; of immunity from 
slavery and religious persecution; of immunity from imprisonment 
for debt, from ex post facto laws, and from bills of attainder. It 
gave them freedom of speech and of the press, secured them against 
unreasonable searches and seizures and against being twice put in 
jeopardy for the same offense. 

These were some things solemnly promised. It would be pertinent 
to inquire how these promises are to be fulfilled after our withdrawal 
under the terms of this bill. The adoption of the Clarke amendment 
will mean an absolute abandonment and repudiation of all these 
promises. 


10 


POLITICAL STATUS OP THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 


There was no party promise ever made by the Democratic Party 
which would be fulfilled by the Clarke amendment. The party 
promise was to protect and sustain the Filipinos until they had 
established a stable form of government, and then not to cast them 
adrift without a guarantee of their independence until a treaty of 
neutralization could be secured. 

The Republican Party never made any promise to give them inde¬ 
pendence. It deferred consideration of that question until it became 
practical, until they were fitted for self-government and strong 
enough to maintain their integrity as a nation. There has never 
been any party which has ever considered, much less approved such 
a proposition as that contained in the Clarke amendment. 

It appears the subject has become distasteful to certain gentlemen 
and they do not propose longer to be bothered with it. Therefore, 
as the Queen said in Alice in Wonderland, “Off with their heads!” 
Away with the Philippines; we will get rid of them and end all 
bother! No provision is made and no promise given to protect the 
islands from foreign aggression. No guaranty is made that will 
protect the people from the imposition of a monarchy or any other 
form of oppression or injustice. They must look out for themselves. 

PHILIPPINE BONDS. 

Under the provisions of the Clarke amendment no protection is 
given the holders of four issues of Philippine bonds which were sold 
by the United States to investors in this country to provide money 
with which to carry out certain public enterprises inaugurated by 
the United States for the benefit of the people of the Philippine 
Islands. 

These bonds were issued and sold under authority granted by acts 
of Congress. 

These acts provided for the issue of bonds to purchase the Friar 
lands for the use of the Filipinos, for public improvements, and for 
certain municipal bonds. They were advertised and sold by the 
Bureau of Insular Affairs under the direction of the Secretary of War. 
The amounts issued and sold were as follows: 


Land-purchase bonds. $7, 000, 000 

Public-improvement bonds. 5, 000, 000 

Manila sewer and water bonds... 4, 000, 000 

Cebu sewer, water, and public-school bonds. 125, 000 


Total. 16,125,000 


The average price received by the United States for these bonds 
was $106.71, or $1,083,275 in excess of their face value. 

The various acts which authorized the issue of these bonds provided 
for a sinking fund to retire them at their maturity. The amount 
accumulated in this fund December 31, 1914, was $3,444,023.57. 

In order to sell the bonds the Bureau of Insular Affairs secured 
the opinion of the Attorney General, which opinion was used as an 
inducement to American purchasers to invest in the bonds. In that 
statement the Attorney General said the bonds were issued “upon 
authority explicitly conferred by the national power,” and “the 
entire transaction is to be negotiated under the auspices of the 
United States and by its recognized aid.” 








POLITICAL STATUS OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 


11 


In the circular issued to induce investments the bureau stated 
the bonds would be accepted by the Secretary of the Treasury as 
security for deposits of public money, and for other like purposes. 
They are now held b/ the Treasury Department for such purposes 
and as security for postal savings deposits. 

Under the express terms of the acts of Congress authorizing the 
issues the bonds were exempted from taxation by the Government 
of the United States, by the government of the Philippines, or by any 
State or municipality. 

These bonds were thus made morally and substantially, if not 
legally, the obligations of the United States. But this obligation, 
or at least responsibility, is repudiated by the proposed enactment 
of the Clarke amendment. 

Besides the bonds above issued and for which the United States is 
directly responsible there are other outstanding obligations in the 
payment of which the United States is interested. The Philippine 
Railway bonds, amounting to $8,551,000, were sold to and are held 
by citizens of the United States. The railway was built under author¬ 
ity of an act of Congress and with the approval of the Secretary of 
War. Subscriptions for these bonds were received by the Bureau of 
Insular Affairs. Other bonds issued by provinces and municipalities 
have also been sold in the United States. 

The sinking fund providing for the payment of the bonds first 
referred to is controlled by the treasurer of the Philippine govern¬ 
ment. It is invested in the protected bonds themselves, in the bonds 
of the Philippine Railway, and in loans to Provinces and munici¬ 
palities. It is apparent that its condition is such as to be valueless 
unless continued under American control. 

Under the provisions of the Clarke amendment the President is 
given power to settle and adjust all property rights between the 
United States and the Philippines. But this is not such a relation. 
If within the scope of the President’s power, it is difficult to see how 
the matter could be adjusted by him. To accept and rely on any 
promise or guaranty made by the Philippine government, which 
would be worse than bankrupt, would be to render the bonds worth¬ 
less. The circumstance is but an incident showing how reckless and 
inconsiderate the proposition is and in what a maze of difficulties and 
embarrassments it would involve us if adopted. 

It is also difficult to see how the President can help Americans now 
resident in the islands. These men have gone there, built homes, 
embarked in business, and purchased property. It is very probable 
that following the American withdrawal disorder, even revolutions 
and general chaos, will ensue. It seems that many Filipinos, and 
some Americans, believe that independence is the one thing neces¬ 
sary to bring tranquillity, prosperity, and a general condition of 
universal happiness. The lesson of Mexico is instructive. It is inde¬ 
pendent, but the conflicting ambitions of irresponsible men make it 
a place where no man’s life is safe. If we “Mexicanize” the Philip¬ 
pines, what will become of the property and lives of the Americans 
there? The President, with the best intentions, has not been 
very successful in securing the lives and property of Americans in 
Mexico. Is it probable he will be more successful in the Philippines ? 



12 


POLITICAL STATUS OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 


REASONS FOR ACTION. 

Two reasons are given in the majority report for this strange action, 
this abandonment of principle, this refusal £o perform an apparent 
duty. 

The first is the cost. The Philippines don’t pay; therefore why 
longer keep them ? If we had purchased them as an investment we 
might consider that question. But in that view we should endeavor to 
sell them for as much as they have cost us to any nation which would 
buy. But we do not even try to make the best bargain possible; we 
throw them away to be picked up by the first comet*. Of course such 
a view is absurd. We did not obtain them with a view to profit. 

In the instructions given by President McKinley to the Philippine 
Commission in 1900 is expressed the policy and purpose of the United 
States regarding the acquisition and government of the Philippines. 
In that statesmanlike and noble pronouncement he said: 

The commission should bear in mind that the government which they are estab¬ 
lishing is designed not for our satisfaction or for the expression of our theoretical views, 
but for the happiness, peace, and prosperity of the Philippine Islands. 

Again he said: 

The Philippines are not ours to exploit, but to develop, to civilize, to educate, to 
tram in the science of self-government. 

That was the primary purpose of the American occupancy, not 
gain, not profit, not exploitation, but help, counsel, and encourage¬ 
ment in securing continued progress and an ultimate place among the 
civilized peoples of the world. 

But it is proper in this connection to call attention to the fact that 
the development of the islands thus far has been principally paid for 
by the people of the Philippines, and not by the United States. 
Their government is maintained by themselves. They have cheer¬ 
fully borne a large burden of taxation, and have made great sacri¬ 
fices to secure for themselves the roads, schools, and other public 
works which have been built in such a short time. 

The expense of maintaining American forces in the Philippines is 
confined to the difference in the cost of maintaining our soldiers there 
and at home. 

On the other hand our trade with the Philippines has increased 
marvelously during our occupancy. We sold them of our products 
before we went there about $150,000 annually. Last year we sold 
them to the value of over $28,500,000. It is doubtful, if a balance 
were struck, if it would be found that the Philippines are a financial 
burden to the United States. Our trade with the Philippines is cer¬ 
tain to grow to large proportions if our relations are continued. That 
this would be to our mutual benefit must be apparent. We need 
their hemp for binding twine. We need their sugar, tobacco, copra, 
fruits, and mahogany. The demand for tropical products which we 
can not produce is continually increasing. It will be to our best 
interests to have them produced under our own flag. The Philip¬ 
pines are at present the richest undeveloped country of equal area m 
the world. Economically they are an asset and not a liability. 


POLITICAL STATUS OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 


13 


MILITARY WEAKNESS. 

But it is urged in the majority report that the Philippines are a 
source of military weakness, and that we ought to abandon them as 
a part of our plan of “preparedness.” The argument advanced is 
that if the United States has any possession anywhere outside our 
continental boundaries, they should be abandoned if difficult to 
defend. 

If we abandon our possessions because they are subject to attack 
by an enemy in war, we should not limit our “scuttle” policy to the 
Philippines. We should abandon Guam, for it is defenseless. We 
should abandon the Samoan Group, they have not been fortified. 
We should abandon the Hawaiian Archipelago. It will cost more to 
fortify and protect than the Philippines. We should abandon Porto 
Rico. It is defenseless. We should abandon the Canal Zone and 
the Panama Canal itself. It will be exceedingly difficult to fortify 
and protect, it will cost a large sum to retain, and is more the object 
of desire by foreign nations than is the Philippine Archipelago. 
Indeed, we should abandon Alaska. It is as isolated as an island. 
It has thousands of miles of undefended scacoast, with cities and 
harbors defenseless. It would be a rich prize for any nation with 
interests in the Pacific because of its stores of coal, timber, and gold. 

The majority report declares the Philippines could not be success¬ 
fully defended. In the event of foreign attack if we should abandon 
the islands to their fate, the report declares, we would invite “the 
scorn of the world and of standing humiliated in the presence of all 
mankind.” In order to escape that dreadful fate the report advises 
us to run in advance, to say to all foreign nations: “If you want the 
Philippines, here they are, take them. We will not fight for them. 
We could not do much if we tried to fight. Besides we are Too 
proud to fight/ anyway.” That, according to the majority report, 
would be dignified, it would be manly, it would save us from “the 
scorn of the world,” and from “standing humiliated in the presence 
of mankind.”* 

If that is the temper of the American people, the minority confess 
they do not understand it. If American rights are to be sacrificed 
everywhere or anywhere because we are afraid to assert them, we 
should give up claiming to be a Nation. If counsels of fear are 
to become the permanent policy of our country, we should blot out 
the heroic history of our past, and forget the sacrifices of those who 
have made us a Nation. 

If such a proposition should be thought worthy of consideration, 
it may be suggested that the Philippines can be made a source of 
military strength rather than weakness. They have a population of 
9,000,000. An army of 200,000 men could easily be enlisted from 
among their own people and trained for their own defense. The 
work of the Philippine Scouts and Constabulary has demonstrated 
their capacity and value as soldiers. An army should be trained 
whether the islands are to continue their relations with the United 
States, or become independent. Their greatest element of weakness 
in either event is that they have no adequate means to protect them¬ 
selves. 


14 


POLITICAL STATUS OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 


CONCLUSIONS. 


The minority entirely agree with the majority that the Phil;, 
should be given a new fundamental law granting to the pi 
larger measure of self-government. The minority would glad 
port the passage of the Jones bill without the preamble, 
would even support the Jones bill with the preamble as a sub 
for the Senate bill with the Clarke amendment. But they are 
in opposition to the Clarke amendment. The minority belie 
Jones bill as reported to the House is a much more consiste; 
more carefully framed piece of legislation than the Senate bill 
either the House bill or the Senate bill is absurd with the 
amendment. To provide for and institute an entirely new f 
government which may be abandoned in two years, and m 
thrown aside within four years, is indefensible from any stam 
If the “scuttle” policy is to prevail it would be much better 1 
the Clarke amendment alone, and let the Philippine people p 
under their present government for their independent repub 
whatever they may decide they will try first. 

The minority would have been glad to cooperate with the mi 
in supporting a bill on which all could have agreed. But 
unable to support the Clarke amendment under any circumsl 
they are compelled to forego that privilege. In this “diss 
opinion” they feel that it is fitting they should express the apj 
tion of the uniform courtesy during the deliberations of tin 
mittee manifested by the chairman, Mr. Jones. The minori 
glad to express their profound respect and affectionate regard t 
this Nestor of the House, whose record of continuous service is 1 
in point of time among the entire membership of that body. 1 
not be improper to express the hope that his party associates 
House may substitute his bill for the Senate bill, so that its p 
may be the crowning act of a long, an honorable, and a disting 
career of public service. 

H. M. Towner. 
Clarence B. Mil] 
S. D. Fess. 
George M. You:> 
John A. Peters. 
Charles E. Fuli 
R. W. Austin. 

C. N. McArthur. 






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